Annie Oakley died on November 3, 1924 from pernicious anemia. Her life is a testament to the strength and determination of American frontierswomen. Skilled with weapons and equal to many of her male counterparts, Annie Oakley remains an integral part of western history.

Born in Ohio on August 13, 1860, Annie’s given name was Phoebe Ann Oakley Mozee. She had a total of seven siblings and came from a childhood of economic hardship and parental death. She never received any sort of a formal education. When her mother lost her second husband, Annie was put into care for a while but suffered abuse and was returned to her mother who married for a third time. Oakley’s childhood made her tough and resilient and perhaps a bit of a loner.

Oakley was an expert marksman from a very early age and started practicing her shooting skills at the tender age of 9. At the age of 16, she was already receiving money for her shooting games and entered her first professional competition against her husband to be Frank Butler (1850-1926). They married in 1876.

In the early 1880s, Oakley traveled with her husband on the Vaudeville circuit, performing shooting feats and contests for a paying audience. They went across the country together where Oakley got to meet many famous people of the day, including Sitting Bull who she became friends with. Sitting Bull gave Annie Oakley the nickname of “Little Sure Shot.” Her skills as a marksmen were never questioned by man or woman, rich or poor, townsfolk or royal. Her place in history was quickly secured.

It was in 1885 that the star crossed (or rifle crossed) couple joined the famous Buffalo Bill Wild West Show. Butler stepped aside so that his wife could become the female star of the Wild West show. They traveled all over Europe and even performed for Queen Victoria. Oakley won numerous medals and awards for her skills. They stayed with the show for 16 years. Even in her own time, Oakley was considered a role model for other women from both the States and the rest of the world.

Despite offering to lead a female regimen in World War I, Oakley ended up spending her time with the Red Cross during the war and spending time for her famous show dog, Dave. A comeback was planned for the early 1920s but a car accident put both Butlers out of commission for some time.

Oakley and Butler stayed together until the very end passing away within three weeks of each other in November of 1926. Their story is truly endearing and inspirational and Annie Oakley will forever be remembered as America’s cowgirl. Her role in the perception of women and creating the wild stories of the American west will endure long after the last remnants of western boomtowns crumble and disappear.

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In 1838, William Lovette of London, England wrote was to become known as the “People’s Charter” advocating rights for all British men and fairness in elections and public office. What began as a letter writing campaign became a socialist movement across the nation, culminating in the riots of July 1839.

In 1832, an Electoral Reform Act was passed in England that left a number of antiquated political and government systems in place and made it almost impossible for a regular Joe to hold elected office in England. The Chartist reforms included the ability for those without land to hold office, the institution of general nationwide elections, a salary for politicians, equally divided electoral districts as well as suffrage for all men, everywhere.

The movement attracted upper class social reformers and blue collar workers alike. It was a rebellion against the status quo and the pervading elitism in England’s highest offices. Charterism was a rallying cry for change and a step towards a modern democratic state. The first official convention in February of 1839 showed that there were two main camps of thought: peaceable change and violent change.

“Peaceably if we may, forcibly if we must.”

From the first meeting, the Chartists tested the boundaries of the law having 53 men gather in one place when the rule was no more than 50. What may seem a small thing these days was an offense against order in conservative England of 1839. Add to that the opposition to the current government and the printing of unofficial untaxed newspapers and revolution stirred heavy in the English air. The many faces of the movement left London to spread their message in the industrial north, gathering a veritable army of workers.

In fact, many people who were desperate for social change saw the Charter movement as a vehicle for a radical transformation in the way England was governed. There was talk that the ironworkers were making weapons that an army should be gathered and tyrannical politicians should be killed. The call for a general strike found more favor but not enough for a clear vote. The movement sent requests, demands and proposals to parliament but their pleas fell mostly on deaf ears and people began to vent their frustrations.

It was the 4^th of July when the report of several Chartist meetings in Birmingham reached the metropolitan police. At the time, the industrial northern city of Birmingham had no police force of their own and worry had spread that the nightly meetings at an area of town known as the Bull Ring were a plot to revolt against the government. The first “riot” resulted in a clash between a few chartists and the police and the injury and arrest of a few individuals. At the end of July chartists revolted en masse and thousands marched to the Bull Ring, burned down buildings and clashed violently with police.

The result of the summer clashes was the arrest and imprisonment of several of the movement’s leaders as well as the end of the violent side of English social reform.

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In the end, all of the demands of the Charter movement came to pass, except annual general elections. Universal male suffrage didn’t come about in England until the end of World War I. The Charter movement is a part of England’s rich past often overlooked. Its social significance lies in a legacy of working men’s clubs, civic associations, unions, worker’s rights and drastic change to outdated forms of government. The Chartists demonstrated just want community activism and the desire for democracy can achieve.

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Little by little, day after day, piracies dwindled as the murderous submarine was mastered and its menace strangled. On the land, the Allies, under the matchless leadership of Marshal Ferdinand Foch and the generous co-operation of Americans, British, French and Italians, under the great Generals Pershing, Haig, Petain and Diaz, wrested the initiative from von Hindenburg and Ludendorf, late in July, 1918. Then, in one hundred and fifteen days of wonderful strategy and the fiercest fighting the world has ever witnessed, Foch and the Allies closed upon the Germanic armies the jaws of a steel trap. A series of brilliant maneuvers dating from the battle of Chateau-Thierry in which the Americans checked the Teutonic rush, resulted in the defeat and rout on all the fronts of the Teutonic commands.

In that titanic effort, America’s share was that of the final deciding factor. A nation unjustly titled the “Dollar Nation,” believed by Germany and by other countries to be soft, selfish and wasteful, became over night hard as tempered steel, self-sacrificing with an altruism that inspired the world and thrifty beyond all precedent in order that not only its own armies but the armies of the Allies might be fed and munitioned.

Leading American thought and American action, President Wilson stood out as the prophet of the democracies of the world. Not only did he inspire America and the Allies to a military and naval effort beyond precedent, but he inspired the civilian populations of the world to extraordinary effort, efforts that eventually won the war. For the decision was gained quite as certainly on the wheat fields of Western America, in the shops and the mines and the homes of America as it was upon the battle-field.

This effort came in response to the following appeal by the President:

“These, then, are the things we must do, and do well, besides fighting–the things without which mere fighting would be fruitless:

We must supply abundant food for ourselves and for our armies and our seamen not only, but also for a large part of the nations with whom we have now made common cause, in whose support and by whose sides we shall be fighting; We must supply ships by the hundreds out of our shipyards to carry to the other side of the sea, submarines or no submarines, what will every day be needed there; and Abundant materials out of our fields and our mines and our factories with which not only to clothe and equip our own forces on land and sea but also to clothe and support our people for whom the gallant fellows under arms can no longer work, to help clothe and equip the armies with which we are co-operating in Europe, and to keep the looms and manufactories there in raw material;

Coal to keep the fires going in ships at sea and in the furnaces of hundreds of factories across the sea; Steel out of which to make arms and ammunition both here and there; Rails for worn-out railways back of the fighting fronts; Locomotives and rolling stock to take the place of those every day going to pieces; Everything with which the people of England and France and Italy and Russia have usually supplied themselves, but cannot now afford the men, the materials, or the machinery to make.

I particularly appeal to the farmers of the South to plant abundant foodstuffs as well as cotton. They can show their patriotism in no better or more convincing way than by resisting the great temptation of the present price of cotton and helping, helping upon a large scale, to feed the nation and the peoples everywhere who are fighting for their liberties and for our own. The variety of their crops will be the visible measure of their comprehension of their national duty.”

The response was amazing in its enthusiastic and general compliance. No autocracy issuing a ukase could have been obeyed so explicitly. Not only did the various classes of workers and individuals observe the President’s suggestions to the letter, but they yielded up individual right after right in order that the war work of the government might be expedited. Extraordinary powers and functions were granted by the people through Congress, and it was not until peace was declared that these rights and powers returned to the people.

These governmental activities ceased functioning after the war: Food administration; Fuel administration; Espionage act; War trade board; Alien property custodian (with extension of time for certain duties); Agricultural stimulation; Housing construction (except for shipbuilders); Control of telegraphs and telephones; Export control.

These functions were extended: Control over railroads: to cease within twenty-one months after the proclamation of peace. The War Finance Corporation: to cease to function six months after the war, with further time for liquidation. The Capital Issues Committee: to terminate in six months after the peace proclamation. The Aircraft Board: to end in six months after peace was proclaimed; and the government operation of ships, within five years after the war was officially ended.

President Wilson, generally acclaimed as the leader of the world’s democracies, phrased for civilization the arguments against autocracy in the great peace conference after the war. The President headed the American delegation to that conclave of world re-construction. With him as delegates to the conference were Robert Lansing, Secretary of State; Henry White, former Ambassador to France and Italy; Edward M. House and General Tasker H. Bliss.

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Representing American Labor at the International Labor conference held in Paris simultaneously with the Peace Conference were Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor; William Green, secretary-treasurer of the United Mine Workers of America; John R. Alpine, president of the Plumbers’ Union; James Duncan, president of the International Association of Granite Cutters; Frank Duffy, president of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners, and Frank Morrison, secretary of the American Federation of Labor.

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World War I - A War for International Freedom

Source: History of the World War. An Authentic Narrative of the World’s Greatest War. Francis A. March and Richard J. Beamish, 1919

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Speaking to the Congress and the people of the United States, President Wilson made this declaration on November 11, 1918:

“My FELLOW COUNTRYMEN: The armistice was signed this morning. Everything for which America fought has been accomplished. The war thus comes to an end.”

A few hours before he made this statement, Germany, the empire of blood and iron, had agreed to an armistice, terms of which were the hardest and most humiliating ever imposed upon a nation of the first class. It was the end of a war for which Germany had prepared for generations, a war bred of a philosophy that Might can take its toll of earth’s possessions, of human lives and liberties, when and where it will. That philosophy involved the cession to imperial Germany of the best years of young German manhood, the training of German youths to be killers of men. It involved the creation of a military caste, arrogant beyond all precedent, a caste that set its strength and pride against the righteousness of democracy, against the possession of wealth and bodily comforts, a caste that visualized itself as part of a power-mad Kaiser’s assumption that he and God were to shape the destinies of earth.

When Marshal Foch, the foremost strategist in the world, representing the governments of the Allies and the United States, delivered to the emissaries of Germany terms upon which they might surrender, he brought to an end the bloodiest, the most destructive and the most beneficent war the world has known. It is worthy of note in this connection that the three great wars in which the United States of America engaged have been wars for freedom. The Revolutionary War was for the liberty of the colonies; the Civil War was waged for the freedom of manhood and for the principle of the indissolubility of the Union; the World War, beginning 1914, was fought for the right of small nations to self-government and for the right of every country to the free use of the high seas.

More than four million American men were under arms when the conflict ended. Of these, more than two million were upon the fields of France and Italy. These were thoroughly trained in the military art. They had proved their right to be considered among the most formidable soldiers the world has known. Against the brown rock of that host in khaki, the flower of German savagery and courage had broken at Chateau-Thierry. There the high tide of Prussian militarism, after what had seemed to be an irresistible dash for the destruction of France, spent itself in the bloody froth and spume of bitter defeat. There the Prussian Guard encountered the Marines, the Iron Division and the other heroic organizations of America’s new army. There German soldiers who had been hardened and trained under German conscription before the war, and who had learned new arts in their bloody trade, through their service in the World War, met their masters in young Americans taken from the shop, the field, and the forge, youths who had been sent into battle with a scant six months’ intensive training in the art of war. Not only did these American soldiers hold the German onslaught where it was but, in a sudden, fierce, resistless counter-thrust they drove back in defeat and confusion the Prussian Guard, the Pommeranian Reserves, and smashed the morale of that German division beyond hope of resurrection.

The news of that exploit sped from the Alps to the North Sea Coast, through all the camps of the Allies, with incredible rapidity. “The Americans have held the Germans. They can fight,” ran the message. New life came into the war-weary ranks of heroic poilus and into the steel-hard armies of Great Britain. “The Americans are as good as the best. There are millions of them, and millions more are coming,” was heard on every side. The transfusion of American blood came as magic tonic, and from that glorious day there was never a doubt as to the speedy defeat of Germany. From that day the German retreat dated. The armistice signed on November 11, 1918, was merely the period finishing the death sentence of German militarism, the first word of which was uttered at Chateau-Thierry.

Germany’s defiance to the world, her determination to force her will and her “kultur” upon the democracies of earth, produced the conflict. She called to her aid three sister autocracies: Turkey, a land ruled by the whims of a long line of moody misanthropic monarchs; Bulgaria, the traitor nation cast by its Teutonic king into a war in which its people had no choice and little sympathy; Austria-Hungary, a congeries of races in which a Teutonic minority ruled with an iron scepter.

Against this phalanx of autocracy, twenty-four nations arrayed themselves. Populations of these twenty-eight warring nations far exceeded the total population of all the remainder of humanity. The conflagration of war literally belted the earth. It consumed the most civilized of capitals. It raged in the swamps and forests of Africa. To its call came alien peoples speaking words that none but themselves could translate, wearing garments of exotic cut and hue amid the smart garbs and sober hues of modern civilization. A twentieth century Babel came to the fields of France for freedom’s sake, and there was born an internationalism making for the future understanding and peace of the world. The list of the twenty-eight nations entering the World War and their populations follow:

Never before in the history of the world were so many races and peoples mingled in a military effort as those that came together under the command of Marshal Foch. If we divide the human races into white, yellow, red and black, all four were largely represented. Among the white races there were Frenchmen, Italians, Portuguese, English, Scottish, Welsh, Irish, Canadians, Australians, South Africans (of both British and Dutch descent) New Zealanders; in the American army, probably every other European nation was represented, with additional contingents from those already named, so that every branch of the white
race figured in the ethnological total.

There were representatives of many Asiatic races, including not only the volunteers from the native states of India, but elements from the French colony in Cochin China, with Annam, Cambodia, Tonkin, Laos, and Kwang Chau Wan. England and France both contributed many African tribes, including Arabs from Algeria and Tunis, Senegalese, Saharans, and many of the South African races. The red races of North America were represented in the armies of both Canada and the United States, while the Maoris, Samoans, and other Polynesian races were likewise represented. And as, in the American Army, there were men of German, Austrian, and Hungarian descent, and, in all probability, contingents also of Bulgarian and Turkish blood, it may be said that Foch commanded an army representing the whole human race, united in defense of the ideals of the Allies.

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It will be seen that more than ten times the number of neutral persons were engulfed in the maelstrom of war. Millions of these suffered from it during the entire period of the conflict, four years three months and fifteen days, a total of 1,567 days. For almost four years Germany rolled up a record of victories on land and of piracies on and under the seas.

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World War I - America’s Titanic Effort

Source: History of the World War. An Authentic Narrative of the World’s Greatest War. Francis A. March and Richard J. Beamish, 1919

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